![]() The first programme involves the professional development of civilian personnel in the defence and security sectors. Moreover, the NLO in Kyiv coordinates three specific programmes. Together with Slovakia, which fulfils the role of NATO’s Contact Point Embassy, the NLO also convenes monthly meetings of the ambassadors and defence attachés of all NATO members in order to harmonise the provision of defence aid and to share information. It offers practical advice to NATO and Ukrainian officials on how to organise cooperation activities, from simple workshops to visits of the North Atlantic Council. The NLO keeps Ukrainian institutions and opinion leaders constantly informed of different cooperation opportunities. The main responsibilities of the NLO are: first, to develop the relationship between the Alliance, Ukraine and NATO members second, to give advice to both Ukraine and NATO on their future cooperation and third, to coordinate various Ukraine-related projects, programmes, events and visits. The NLO was established in Kyiv in April 1999 to promote Ukraine’s cooperation with NATO. In addition, there are one-man contact points in Macedonia and Georgia. The NLO in Kyiv is quite special as the only other NATO representation abroad is located in Moscow. What does the NATO Liaison Office do in Kyiv? We also thought that if we shared our experiences of how to seek NATO and EU membership, we would enhance stability and security in our immediate neighbourhood. This decision was based on the argument that it would best serve Estonia’s national interests if Ukraine took its security and defence policy decisions independently, i.e. In addition, it was the first time for the Estonian MoD to send a permanent representative to Kyiv. However, it was the first time we sent a civilian to work in NATO structures. This was not the first time Estonia had sent a defence adviser abroad. The Alliance welcomed the Estonian contribution and I believe that we managed to build mutual trust in our relations with partners and to increase the role we play in NATO. After my two-year term in office, I was replaced by another MoD official. My main responsibilities as adviser included political cooperation between Ukraine and NATO and the coordination of Ukrainian security sector reform with NATO. ![]() In October 2005, the Estonian Ministry of Defence (MoD) made its contribution to Ukrainian long-term reform efforts by sending an adviser to work at the NLO in Kyiv. Maybe that is why of the 26 NATO members, Estonia reacted the fastest to the requests of the NATO Liaison Office (NLO) in Kyiv to send a representative to help them. We acquired first-hand experience of the uselessness of reinventing the bicycle instead, we could rely on the advice of those more experienced when implementing the necessary reforms. The political changes connected with the Ukrainian presidential elections in the late autumn of 2004, which the outside world generally refers to as the ‘Orange Revolution’, sent a strong signal that Ukrainians are willing to fight for their democracy.Įstonians owe much of the progress made during the first decade after the restoration of our independence to various foreign experts who advised us. It was an irreversible shift for the better. Despite the ensuing disillusionment with politics, those weeks produced a breakthrough in Ukraine, the effects of which cannot be reversed. In November 2004, the prevailing mood in the tent camp set up at Kyiv’s Independence Square was similar to that in Estonia during our Singing Revolution – people were intoxicated by freedom and self-determination. A couple of months after the events surrounding the removal of the Bronze Soldier in Estonia, which were widely broadcast in Ukraine, a ticket inspector in Sevastopol, home port of Russia’s Black Sea Fleet, welcomes our travelling party with a cry: “Oh, you’re from Estonia, that’s great! Tell me, is Jaak Joala still alive?” In which other city hosting a Russian naval base would a ticket inspector show such concern for Estonia? However, we would be mistaken if we thought that the benevolence of Ukrainians towards Estonians means that their foreign policy is as unequivocally western-oriented as ours.Įstonia’s reaction to the Orange Revolution ![]() The attitude of Ukrainians towards Estonia and Estonians is straightforward and respectful. Two years in Ukraine is more than enough time to realise how big the Slavic souls of Ukrainians are and how easy it is for an Estonian to find a place in their heart. As we communicate with Ukrainians, we get to know the background of the region and are more able to make suitable foreign policy decisions concerning the East. ![]()
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